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‘A legend for our individuals’: Inside an Indigenous activist’s dying in Brazil | Indigenous Rights Information

‘A legend for our individuals’: Inside an Indigenous activist’s dying in Brazil | Indigenous Rights Information


Uruçuca, Brazil – Mukunã Pataxó remembers his aunt started to sing moments earlier than the gunfire rang out.

Maria de Fátima Muniz, 52, was a non secular chief among the many Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe, an Indigenous group in northeastern Brazil. A brief, severe lady with darkish, shoulder-length hair, she was identified to steer her individuals in prayer and track, her voice deep and regular.

However on January 21, that voice couldn’t quell the violence about to erupt within the rolling inexperienced hills outdoors Potiraguá, a city within the state of Bahia.

About 50 members of Maria’s village had gathered there to arrange camp sooner or later prior, in an effort to reclaim a part of their ancestral homeland. She, her brother Chief Nailton Muniz and the opposite Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe activists had deliberate to plant conventional crops within the space: beans, cassava and corn, alongside medicinal herbs.

However their presence generated backlash among the many native landowners. A social media message quickly circulated on WhatsApp, calling on retailers, farmers and landholders to “take again” the parcel.

Greater than 30 autos arrived the subsequent morning, blocking entry to the roads. The Brazilian authorities later estimated there have been 200 non-Indigenous “ruralists” current. Some got here armed.

Mukuna mentioned police on the scene had assured the Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe of their security. Video confirmed the group chanting on the high of a dust path, whereas officers stood metres away.

Regulation enforcement did nothing, nevertheless, because the ruralists raised their weapons to shoot, Chief Muniz and his stepson Mukunã allege.

The ruralists opened fireplace and attacked the group, wounding at the very least 5 individuals and setting fireplace to Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe autos. Chief Muniz was shot within the kidney. And his sister was fatally injured. She died on the way in which to the hospital.

“The police had been watching every part,” mentioned Mukunã, “as if we had been nothing to them.”

Maria turned the second Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe chief to be shot useless in southern Bahia prior to now three months.

Her dying has raised lingering questions concerning the ongoing violence in opposition to the Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe group — and whether or not Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva can comply with by along with his guarantees to defend Indigenous rights.

Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe non secular chief Maria de Fátima Muniz was killed by gunfire in January [Courtesy of Alass Derivas]

A closing date for Indigenous land claims

Lula himself responded to the taking pictures by pledging federal help to “resolve this case”.

“I need to make the federal authorities obtainable to assist Indigenous peoples discover a answer in order that we will resolve this peacefully,” he instructed Radio Metropole after the assault.

Lula has publicly sought to increase protections for Brazil’s Indigenous teams, a inhabitants of almost 1.7 million individuals. Final April, 4 months into his time period, he introduced the creation of six new federally recognised Indigenous territories — the primary such recognition in years.

“We’re going to legalise Indigenous lands,” he mentioned in an accompanying handle. “I received’t go away a single Indigenous territory unprotected.”

The variety of land demarcations was decrease than anticipated, nevertheless, falling wanting the 14 territories his authorities had pledged to recognise — considered one of which was Pataxó territory within the south of Bahia.

Critics say the president has additionally didn’t defend Indigenous teams from an onslaught of current courtroom instances and laws, designed to weaken their claims over their ancestral lands.

A crowd of Indigenous land defenders, including Mukunã Pataxó, protests in Brazil
Mukunã Pataxó, centre, has denounced police inaction within the January assault [Courtesy of Alass Derivas]

One of the vital current efforts has been to implement a “marco temporal” or “time marker” to chop off Indigenous land claims.

Any land they didn’t inhabit on October 5, 1988 — the date of Brazil’s most up-to-date structure — wouldn’t be recognised as Indigenous territory underneath the coverage.

Advocacy teams have blasted the coverage as a harmful rollback of Indigenous rights, one which ignores the legacy of displacement many tribes have endured.

A United Nations human rights skilled warned the laws might “legitimize violence in opposition to indigenous peoples”, and the Local weather Observatory, a Brazil-based advocacy community, nicknamed it the “Indigenous genocide regulation”.

However the “marco temporal” enjoys sturdy help from Brazil’s agricultural foyer, which seeks entry to pure sources on Indigenous lands.

The foyer is highly effective, and its attain extends to Brazil’s Congress. A majority of lawmakers in each congressional chambers establish as a part of the “Bancada Ruralista”, a voting bloc that advocates for farming pursuits.

That broad base of help allowed Congress to finally go the “marco temporal” in December, sidestepping a Supreme Court docket determination that beforehand declared the coverage unconstitutional — and even overriding a partial veto from Lula himself.

Joelson Ferreira — who works with Chief Muniz as co-founder of Teia dos Povos, a nationwide alliance of Black, Indigenous and working-class Brazilians — believes that a part of the blame for the invoice’s passage lies with leftist leaders.

Ferreira accused them of constructing too many concessions to the agricultural foyer. “The left likes to barter with agribusiness to maintain itself in energy,” he mentioned.

Protesters on a roadway in Brazil hold up a banner calling for justice in the case of a late Indigenous leader shot to death.
Protesters block a roadway to demand justice for the late Pataxó chief Maria de Fátima Muniz [Sara van Horn/Al Jazeera]

A ‘militia’ to combat for farmers’ rights

For Ferreira, there’s a direct line between Maria’s dying and the foyer’s sway in Congress.

The ranchers accused of taking pictures Maria had been allegedly a part of an armed militia known as Invasion Zero, based in April final yr by Luiz Uaquim, a politician and landowner in southern Bahia.

Invasion Zero boasts ties with different conservative legislators in Brazil’s Congress. An eponymous legislative coalition was fashioned in October to advertise laws just like the “marco temporal” and counter Indigenous land claims.

“In the event you mess with these militias, you mess with agribusiness,” Ferreira mentioned.

In response to Al Jazeera’s request for remark, Invasion Zero denied duty for Maria’s dying.

In a public assertion, Invasion Zero additionally mentioned it “deeply laments the confrontation” and “has by no means incentivised acts of violence”, as a substitute prioritising the “peaceable decision of land disputes”.

In accordance with an interview Uaquim gave Al Jazeera, there may be “no connection between this motion and the dying of the Indigenous lady. There are farmers throughout Brazil, and every is chargeable for what he does.”

A Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe man beats a hand-held drum at an outdoor protest
The Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe face confrontations with farmers on their ancestral lands [Courtesy of Alass Derivas]

Two individuals — the son of a rancher and a retired police officer — had been finally arrested as suspects in Maria’s dying. Police have confirmed that the bullet that killed Maria got here from the gun of the rancher’s son.

The Bahia army police instructed Al Jazeera that, along with arresting the 2 suspects, it has opened investigations into the actions of its cops.

Invasion Zero considers itself a “motion of rural producers” that goals to mount a “agency defence of personal property”. Its existence, nevertheless, displays the continuing battle between Brazil’s Indigenous peoples and the companies that search to increase into their ancestral lands.

The federal government considers about 13 % of Brazil to be Indigenous territory, a designation that protects the land from outdoors improvement. A lot of that territory overlaps with the Amazon rainforest, a key ecosystem within the combat in opposition to local weather change.

But Indigenous territory just isn’t the one level of wrestle for land reform activists, who level to an eye-popping statistic: Land distribution in Brazil is among the many most unequal on this planet, with one % of landowners proudly owning almost half of all land within the nation.

A line of Indigenous activists marches in a circle in the middle of a roadway in Bahia, a state in Brazil.
Indigenous activists protest after the dying of Maria de Fátima Muniz [Sara van Horn/Al Jazeera]

Occupying the land to pressure change

The ranch land on the centre of January’s violence was a part of the territory the Pataxo Ha-Ha-Hae say was awarded to them in a 2012 Supreme Court docket determination.

That ruling nullified almost 200 non-public titles in Bahia, transferring possession of the land again to the Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe — at the very least, in idea. Indigenous activists say as a substitute that the method has stalled, leaving their land within the arms of farmers.

Chief Muniz and Mukunã instructed Al Jazeera that camps just like the one arrange on the ranch in January present a way of reclaiming the territory. The Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe had been among the first Indigenous individuals to come across Portuguese colonists and have since suffered centuries of displacement.

“This occupation can be a query of honouring our ancestors,” mentioned Mukunã. “Of honouring those that have fought and spilled blood on this territory.”

His stepfather defined that, since 1982, their village has succeeded in retaking 54,000 hectares (about 133,400 acres) of land, though 100,000 hectares (about 247,100 acres) stay within the arms of personal ranchers.

“Over time, our land has been lowered and lowered,” mentioned Chief Muniz. He believes the occupations will finally pressure the Brazilian authorities to conduct a examine proving that this land belongs to Indigenous individuals.

The Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe will not be the one group to deploy this tactic. The Marxist-inspired Landless Staff Motion (MST) — thought-about by some to be the biggest social motion in South America — has used the occupation and cultivation of unused land to push for social reform.

Supporters of the Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe, like Ferreira, are longtime members of the group. MST households additionally blocked highways in protest after Maria’s dying.

Protesters hold up a banner and stand in the roadway to call for justice in the shooting death of an Indigenous leader.
A banner memorialising the late chief Maria de Fátima Muniz reads, ‘We demand justice’ [Sara van Horn/Al Jazeera]

Indigenous activists dealing with violence

However Indigenous activism to reclaim land — or defend present territory — has prompted a violent backlash.

The advocacy group International Witness estimates at the very least 1,910 “land and environmental defenders” have been killed worldwide between 2012 and 2022, a lot of them Indigenous. In Brazil, 34 “defenders” misplaced their lives in 2022 alone.

The Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe have skilled this spate of violence firsthand. In December, simply weeks earlier than Maria was shot, one other Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe chief was gunned down: 31-year-old Lucas Santos de Oliveira. In accordance with media reviews, his assailants had been two males on a motorbike.

Along with reclaiming ancestral territory, Mukunã believes land occupation can also be a device to guard the atmosphere. He factors out that, underneath Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe’s care, forests have grown again in Bahia.

The United Nations has additionally famous that Indigenous stewardship corresponds with decrease charges of deforestation normally. A 2021 report inspecting a number of nations discovered that “intact forest” declined by solely 4.9 % in Indigenous areas, in contrast with 11.2 % elsewhere.

Mukunã defined that defending the atmosphere can have tangible advantages for the Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe, too. “It’s to have a greater high quality of life,” he mentioned. “We want a forest to hunt in, a river to fish in.”

His stepfather instructed Al Jazeera he hopes Maria’s dying can push the federal government to take motion — to demarcate and defend Indigenous land to keep away from additional bloodshed.

They keep in mind Maria as a sensible determine, extraordinarily lively in her group, who organised cultural exchanges and represented the Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe at political occasions. She participated in midwifery and hosted prayer classes in her residence.

“She’s all the time going to be current with us,” mentioned Mukunã. “In our rituals, in our songs, within the closing of our eyes, within the smoke that rises from our pipe, within the blowing of the wind. She has turn into a legend for our individuals.”

“It’s a privilege accorded to few to die the way in which she did: preventing for what was hers.”

#legend #individuals #Indigenous #activists #dying #Brazil #Indigenous #Rights #Information



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Written by bourbiza mohamed

Bourbiza Mohamed is a freelance journalist and political science analyst holding a Master's degree in Political Science. Armed with a sharp pen and a discerning eye, Bourbiza Mohamed contributes to various renowned sites, delivering incisive insights on current political and social issues. His experience translates into thought-provoking articles that spur dialogue and reflection.

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